MESOC Serapeum | Where culture meets AI

Id		148
Author		Gainza, X.,
Title		Culture‑led neighbourhood transformations beyond the revitalisation/gentrification dichotomy.
Reference		Gainza, X. (2017) Culture‑led neighbourhood transformations beyond the revitalisation/gentrification dichotomy. Urban Studies, 54(4): 953‑970.
Link to article		https://doi.org/10.1177%2F0042098016630507
Abstract		In the past 30 years, culture has been used as a means for revitalising neighbourhoods and branding the urban economy. Often, culture-led urban policies have had undesirable consequences in terms of rising rents, displacement of former residents and changes in the economic and retail landscape, i.e. gentrification. However, this process is not univocal, and displacement may not occur while disrupting community life. In this paper the author explore the changes that have occurred in San Francisco, a working-class neighbourhood of Bilbao where the attraction of cultural industries has been used to revitalise the area and change the city image.

Results:

Candidate transition variables
Lastly, the agglomeration of cultural assets may have positive impacts on the social capital by spurring civic engagement and community building processes (Stern and Seifert, 2010). .
The initial presence of artists and cultural activities also modifies the material, economic and symbolic conditions that attracted the first cultural producers. .
Organisers had a clear purpose of marking the artistic and alternative nature of the area. .
As in other creative districts, the areas history and cultural diversity, the presence of historic buildings and gritty streets, its reputation and atmosphere (the look and feel) attracted artists. .
Interventions have included improvements in the housing stock and public spaces, as well as socioeconomic initiatives to revitalise the social, commercial and economic life. .
Encouraging an artistic scene seeks to transform the neighbourhood image as a means for attracting creative people and branding the urban economy. .
For the urban economy, the development of a cultural quarter is a strategic accompaniment to the physical transformations as it helps branding the city as creative and adds to the variety of tourist attractions. .
A third argument follows from the changes induced in the neighbourhood image and how this image can be used to attract visitors and revitalise the local economy. .
Although attracted by the areas image, social networks and the availability of disused spaces and amenities, they are influenced by economic conditions, i.e. affordable rents. .
Not only can it enhance the value of the cultural good or the artists by aligning them with the images that external audiences hold about the distinctiveness of the place, but it can raise awareness about the creative activities, thus legitimising the cluster (Costa, 2013a). .
This is due to Barcelonas greater magnetism for tourism, population and activities, which has boosted the housing market and has attracted an upscale population to the historic centre. .
The presence of artists and the areas reputation attracts other professionals with limited income and high cultural capital that are close to the aesthetic disposition and cultural competency of the artist. .
It had a targeted policy to attract cultural and creative firms and shops by subsidising space in publicly owned stores. .
The rationale for supporting the emergence of cultural clusters combines economic and regeneration arguments. .
The life cycle of cultural clusters Cultural clusters emerge in inner city areas with particular conditions attractive to artists and creative entrepreneurs. .
The local cultural economy is made up of architecture, design and new media studios, cultural programmers, audiovisual producers, visual artists, performing arts companies, as well as boutiques and alternative art galleries. .
Nevertheless, it is in the light of their role as agents for economic revitalisation that cultural firms have been accepted by urban planners and local residents, despite fears over displacement and loss of the neighbourhood idiosyncrasies. .
This is an outcome that would in a way be expected, given that the policy focus was to concentrate cultural production and alternative consumption to stimulate the cultural economy and exploit the creative image of the city, rather than employment. .
On the other hand, the regeneration strategy has spurred the cultural economy in Raval, despite part of the creative community being priced out. .
Finally, if the policy rationale lies on stimulating the local cultural economy, how can innovation capabilities be enhanced and the life cycle of these cultural clusters expanded? .

ARTICLE - CANDIDATE TRANSITION VARIABLES

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